Showing posts with label National. Show all posts
Showing posts with label National. Show all posts

Sunday, November 29, 2009

Nov 28th - SAfrica police chief guarantees security of World Cup trophy; unveils "war room"

28 November 2009 02:17

BBC Monitoring Africa

BBCAP

English

(c) 2009 The British Broadcasting Corporation. All Rights Reserved. No material may be reproduced except with the express permission of The British Broadcasting Corporation.

Text of report by non-profit South African Press Association (SAPA) news agency

Next year's soccer World Cup is safe in the hands of South Africa's law enforcement agencies, national police commissioner Bheki Cele said on Friday.

Speaking at the unveiling of the Western Cape police's new "war room" in Cape Town, he said there was no reason for doubt. "This is one area... where I sleep like a baby, when it comes to 2010," he said.

"Let's be clear on it, 2010 is safe in the hands of South Africans. And let's stop this thing of focusing on security. Let's focus on the beautiful game."

He said people [as received]

Those with issues about South African security should "go somewhere else, where people are shooting helicopters, where drug lords are shooting helicopters".

Cele the police had planned thoroughly for the event, and knew exactly what would be happening until July 11.

They knew how many tickets each country had bought - most of them by the United States - and even had names of some of the people that were coming.

Among the issues the police were looking at was the fact that both Koreas - North and South - had qualified for the tournament.

"We are far ahead in dealing with those matters. We are just imagining what will happen if we have both in the final."

The two Koreas have historically had a tense relationship, though there have been signs of a thaw in recent years.

Police Minister Nathi Mthethwa said the "showpiece" should be about soccer, not security.

"Our people must go all out and ensure that they enjoy the beautiful game whilst the law enforcement agencies will do what they're supposed to do."

The war room boasts a state-of-the-art video monitoring room, where operators can tap into closed circuit cameras across the city. They are also able to bring up feed from cameras mounted in police vehicles.

Preston Voskuil, a director in the office of the provincial commissioner, said the operators currently had access to about 1000 cameras at 10 "sites", including Cape Town's camera network.

Other sites included a Cape Flats school where a headmistress was murdered earlier this year, shopping complexes, and two police stations - Cape Town Central and Khayelitsha.

Voskuil said the system was the first of its kind in South Africa.

"We are taking existing infrastructure and we will have the ability to patch in where and when we want, based on crime intelligence, early warning, crime patterns and events.

"We want to target places at risk, public places. You can put a camera on every corner. You can't afford to put a policeman on every corner."

-SAPA news agency, Johannesburg

Source : Factiva

http://factiva.com/index_f_w.asp

Document BBCAP00020091128e5bs000gq

Nov 26th - Jacob Zuma: 'We Have to do Things Differently'

If South African President Jacob Zuma didn't have enough on his plate, with raging violent crime, unemployment of up to 40%, the world's largest HIV/AIDS population, a recession and the 2010 soccer World Cup, his first few months in office saw a wave of strikes and violent protests against poverty and low wages. Zuma, 67, spoke to Africa bureau chief Alex Perry at his official residence, Mahlamba-Ndlopfu, in Pretoria in August.

TIME: You've always portrayed yourself as a cipher for the ANC, an implementer of policies decided by the party, rather than a policy-maker. Does that still stand now you're President?
Zuma:
The ANC makes policy, not individuals. Anything that we talk about regards policy to a huge degree reflects the debates that have been held inside the party. And on policy, we have done very well — our policies have been very good. We have five priorities: education — critical; health — critical; rural development; job creation; and land reform. (See pictures of Johannesburg's preparations for soccer's World Cup.)

As the leadership, we take the broad policy statements and make them specific; we implement policy, we put the party's conclusions into practice. So our job is also to look at our performance since 1994 and our leadership during 15 years of democracy. And there has been weakness in implementation. That means that we need to put more thinking into our implementation. We have to do things differently.

TIME: You're saying there have been mistakes.
Zuma:
That's part of the reality we have to look at. It's 15 years into our democracy, and you cannot still say after 15 years, after 20 years, that you are not able to do X, Y and Z. At this point in time, we have to do something extraordinary to make sure we are able to continue to move forward. Admitting your mistakes is also because I believe that honesty is important in politics. You lose nothing by admitting to where there have been weaknesses. When you recognize that, you can correct it. And it's only when you admit there have been deficiencies and weaknesses that you make sense to the people, who can see them for themselves. (See pictures of South Africa after 15 years of ANC rule.)

TIME: What mistakes specifically?
Zuma:
Take the old ministry of minerals and energy. Mines are what [have] shaped the economy of South Africa, it will always remain an anchor of this country — and so it needs its own focus. Energy is also critical for the country. But they were in the same ministry. And as we were experiencing economic growth, and rolling out electricity to rural areas, suddenly there was an electricity shortage. That must indicate weakness. And if we did not see that, that energy was going to be a problem, that points to a shortcoming. So we now have separate ministries for mines and energy, each with its own focus.

Or take education. The reality is that our concentration has been on higher education rather than on basic education. There has been no focus on the more basic area. And we did not talk to the managers, to the school principals — it was just left to the bureaucracy. That's why we had a meeting of school principals from across the country in Durban. And education is one of the most important things. If we do not pay attention to education, we will never move forward.

There was no national plan. Departments tended to work side by side in silence. There was a need for a planning commission so we had an overarching plan for the country. So we created one. That also speaks to the need for the leadership to be well informed.

Finally, we also created a minister of the presidency to evaluate performance. That's a new way to check and ensure that there is implementation of policy and that there is performance. And that shows we are doing things differently. It's going to help us remove the slow walkers in government and identify and detect where there is corruption, instead of waiting for the auditor general's report. So you see we are reconfiguring government. We are trying to do things differently to achieve the implementation of ANC policy. (See Jacob Zuma's profile in the 2008 TIME 100.)

TIME: Some people haven't given you much time to correct the mistakes of the past. Already, thousands of protesters are out on the streets, demanding delivery of the services they have been waiting for. Some of the demonstrations have even been violent. Are you worried?
Zuma:
These problems don't come from just now. Still, you can't fault the people. After 15 years, people are saying: where is the delivery? I'm not worried. We are aware of our shortcomings. These challenges are based in reality. And that's why we restructured ourselves. This renewal came at the right time to meet these challenges. And it's in how we meet them that we will show how we will be successful. Nevertheless [the protests] say to the government that we had better move. It's a wake up call: Deal with this! Pay serious attention! If we do not deal with these things now, people will lose confidence in the ANC.

See TIME's Pictures of the Week.

See the Cartoons of the Week.

TIME: What is [former finance minister and now planning commission head] Trevor Manuel's new role in this new set-up? Is he, as some say, effectively a Prime Minister?
Zuma:
He is not a Prime Minister. He had the very specific task of helping me and the country to work out a national plan, to ask: where shall we be by this time? Where is the country going? His role is also to monitor and evaluate. The reason Trevor was appointed was because he had been minister of finance and had an understanding of the workings of all government departments and what happens inside them. And that's important to shape a national plan. But his commission makes recommendations and the cabinet debates them. And it is housed inside the presidency because he needs the president's authority so that this becomes the presidency's plan. The same goes with performance monitoring — that also has to be done from inside the presidency.

TIME: Admitting errors, taking a pragmatic, results-based approach, those are not things Africa's liberation movements have always been good at. In fact, as their time in power goes on, many have become more vociferous in blaming their mistakes on the past and old enemies. I'm thinking particularly of Zimbabwe. Are you jettisoning that liberation movement baggage?
Zuma:
Nobody can deny that when Zanu-PF [Robert's Mugabe's Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front] came on the scene, there was a lot of delivery, in health and remarkably in education. But what they lacked is what we are doing: realizing when things are not going right. After a decade or so in power, the success of liberation begins to challenge you. The situation tests your clarity, your understanding. And it's after that that many liberation movements have turned into something else and abandoned what they were. (See Jacob Zuma's profile in the 2008 TIME 100.)

The ANC came to that point. And what it is doing now — renewal — is a measure of how it is able to rise to the occasion. It's paying attention to its principles and values. It's talking about the renewal of the organization and how we have to do things differently. We cannot say after 15, 20 years that we cannot resolve our issues. This is about our capacity to adapt to new conditions, to analysts what are the new challenges. That's what the ANC is doing right now. We are just past the stage where we might have turned into something else — and where we might have fallen. I think that, instead, we have jumped forward.

TIME: Is there a sense in which you've had to introduce this renewal and create a new government structure to monitor yourselves because, with such a huge electoral majority, the polls don't do it for you? Are you trying to create the democracy — the accountability and transparency — that the ANC's majority negates.
Zuma:
We're dealing with a party that is very strong and is loved by the people. The opposition might have many things to say but they are not very strong. They cannot challenge us successfully — we are too strong. And the problem is that such support and power can intoxicate the party and lead you into believing that you know it all. You take things for granted. So it's important to have a system that keeps you on your toes. This huge party must find a way to monitor itself vigorously. If there are non-performers, we'll take them out. Otherwise the party will end up unwieldy and in a mess.(See pictures of South Africa after 15 years of ANC rule.)

TIME: I notice another departure under your leadership. Traditionally, the ANC has taken on board the liberal attitudes of the left, including tolerance. But in Durban, you sounded very conservative on some social issues like the need for discipline in schools, alcohol and even sex and violence on television.
Zuma:
I don't think it's conservatism. What we're saying is: let's have a conversation. Take alcohol. Liquor is used to dehumanize us. If you go to the Western or Northern Cape where, in some places, they have the tot system [paying workers in high-alcohol run-off from wine processing] up to this day, you go to areas that by 11 o'clock on a Saturday, people are already drunk and dizzy in the road. It's not doing any good to the citizens of this country. I think we have to take measures. Many people are not employed or do not have anything to do, so they spend their time in the tavern. They are not active, they are not useful. And there's the connection to crime — on Friday and Saturday, crime is very high and that's directly linked to drink. Any leader who does not take that seriously is allowing his citizens to go down the drain.

Or take television. There is too much violence. There is too much sex. Television brings that into my house: how to kill, how to cut off people's heads. It becomes a kind of education. Do you want to educate our young people in violence and sex? It's influencing young people into how to become criminals — young people like to repeat what they see in films. It's creating young people prone to violence, rape and criminality. It's not conservatism. It's saying: how do we deal with these things? It's saying: let's not keep quiet about these matters.

TIME: How do you merge your African heritage, being a proud Zulu who values his traditions, with being the leader of Africa's most westernized nation?
Zuma:
It's not a problem at all. Things merge well in South Africa. Our constitution embraces equality of culture and language. They must be respected. We do not deny that we have different people in our country. We have a lot of diversity. But we also have unity in that diversity. That diversity is also our strength: our nation is a place of meeting of cultures and of ways of life. We want you as you are. We want a Muslim to feel his religion is recognized and a Christian to feel the same. That is how we became a country that is unique in the world, one that inculcates tolerance of others. My belief is that we are doing what many other countries have failed to do. For me, I am a Zulu. I also have in me experience in rural and in urban areas. But I should not be trying to be an American or more British. I must be a Zulu.

Source : http://www.time.com/time/world/article/0,8599,1943120,00.html

Nov 21st - Govt must plan ahead - Zuma

Richards Bay - President Jacob Zuma on Saturday called for an urgent end to water contamination, saying that spillage of sewerage into South Africa's water supplies would lead to water being undrinkable.

"We must deal with the spillage of sewerage into our water supplies and other forms of contamination. If we don't deal with it urgently, our water will end up undrinkable because of the high levels of contamination," Zuma said.

He was speaking during the official launch of the upgrade of the Nsezi Water treatment plant in Richards Bay on Saturday afternoon.

He said challenges in the electricity sector which saw South Africa hit by major blackouts had taught government the importance of addressing future problems before they happened.

Infrastructure

"The challenge that we still need to address include an ability by some municipalities to roll out infrastructure, and to operate, maintain and rehabilitate water and sanitation infrastructure," he said.

There had been reports of spillage of sewerage into a number of rivers caused by ageing infrastructure. This did not only pose danger to people but also to nature as animals and fish died due to spillages.

It was important that the infrastructure was in place to provide clean water to meet the growing demand, because government's objective was for people to have access to water by 2014.

"Our country has a critical obligation to meet the Millennium Development Goals. One these goals is to halve, by 2015, the proportion of the population without sustainable access to safe drinking water and basic sanitation," Zuma said.

He described the Nsezi Water treatment plant upgrade as crucial, saying that there was a growing need adequately manage the "finite and diminishing resource".

"Umhlathuze and surrounding areas have seen considerable growth in water demand, both by households and industries. This is an industrial development zone and one of the critical nodes of our comprehensive rural development programme," he said.

Plan ahead


The upgrade of the Nsezi Water treatment plant reflected South Africa’s ability to plan ahead and anticipate the challenges of the future.

Zuma said South Africa’s growing industries, mines, urban and rural settlements, the agricultural sector and ever expanding tourism and manufacturing sectors were in constant need of water.

"Without water, we run the real risk of not meeting our objective of improving the quality of life of all South Africans, particularly the rural poor."

Zuma also commended Umhlathuze Water for implementing extensive water schemes in Shemula, Mandlakazi and Umkhanyakude in Northern KwaZulu-Natal.

Proper sanitation and clean water to brought dignity to people living in rural areas, he said.

"Having clean water and toilets bring dignity to people living in rural communities. People living in these communities will consider themselves as sub-human if this problem is not dealt with," said Zuma.

Cholera

He indicated that because of poor sanitation, South Africa faced a problem of cholera every year.

Cholera broke out in Mpumalanga and Limpopo provinces early this year and claimed more than 10 lives.

Zuma also commended people who utilised government’s hotline, saying that it was only government officials who did not like.

"People are using it and happy how some of their problems have been handled,"

- SAPA

Source : http://www.news24.com/Content/SouthAfrica/News/1059/d6d2ee0ae1624694a9038ed22914f70b/21-11-2009-02-40/Govt_must_plan_ahead_-_Zuma

Nov 20th - South Africa creates special 'World Cup courts'

JOHANNESBURG — South Africa plans to create special courts dedicated to handling crimes committed during the World Cup, aiming to speed up the judicial process, especially for cases involving foreigners.

Government hopes the promise of swift justice will help stamp out crime during the event and ease worries of fans visiting one of the world's most violent countries.

"The courts are here to speed the process. There is not going to be any leniency," said justice department spokesman Tlali Tlali.

"We're going to deal with all cases that have to do with the tournament," he said.

An average of 50 people die violently every day in South Africa, while 250,000 homes are burgled every year. The justice ministry is concerned that the influx of 450,000 tourists will bring with it a surge in crime.

"The experience from previous host countries has shown that the influx of foreign nationals in World Cups also potentially increases criminal activities," the justice ministry said in a statement.

"Therefore, special measures do need to be put in place in order to process any criminal matters that may arise from big events such as the FIFA World Cup."

If any foreigners are involved in crimes -- either as victims or perpetrators -- their cases will receive priority at the special courts.

"The scheme obviously hopes to see justice done to foreigners who are the victims of crime, whilst the foreigners are available in South Africa to give evidence," said lawyer Peter Jordi, a professor at the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg.

"This will also act as a disincentive to commit crimes against foreigners," he added.

The scheme will cost about one million rands (135,000 dollars, 90,000 euros), for 54 courts to operate in all nine host cities, 15 hours a day from May 28 to July 25.

Judges, lawyers, prosecutors and interpreters, as well as volunteers to help with administrative issues, will also receive special training for the World Cup courts.

South Africa has already used a similar system during school holidays to allow traffic offenders to settle their cases in just one day.

"The South African authorities are obviously aware the crime may be an issue for foreign visitors," Jordi said. "This scheme is another indication that the authorities will be harsh on those who commit crimes during the World Cup."

Since President Jacob Zuma took office in May, the government has stepped up efforts to fight crime, with the deputy police minister last week telling police to "shoot the bastards" when dealing with violent criminals.

The so-called "shoot to kill" policy has sparked intense public debate following the shooting deaths of bystanders, including a three-year-old boy last week.

Jordi said the speed of the special courts could also limit the ability to follow up on any such cases of abuse.

"Speedy justice can be problematic because accused persons are not given an adequate opportunity to consider how best to defend themselves," he said.

Source : http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5hQaoUmDy9Slq2BHaxau2rV1YJ2uQ

Nov 19th - Xenophobia displaced encamped on field

Nov 19, 2009 3:55 PM| By

The De Doorns xenophobia victims would remain camped out on a sports field in the town for the weekend, the SA Human Rights Commission's Western Cape manager said.



Photograph by:

Talks were continuing over the reintegration of the foreigners into the local community, Leonardo Goosen said.

A task team was trying to talk to as many roleplayers as possible, and would meet community leaders on Monday, he said.

Meanwhile, the Western Cape government has rejected claims it does not care about the 3000-odd refugees.

Premier Helen Zille's spokesman Robert Macdonald said refugee rights group People Against Suffering, Suppression, Oppression and Poverty (Passop) was wrong to claim safety MEC Lennit Max had not been to De Doorns.

"He was in De Doorns on Tuesday, as soon as the xenophobic violence was reported to him, and liaised with the SAPS [SA Police Service], local government and community representatives."

He also said Zille would be arriving in De Doorns this afternoon from Beaufort West.

Passop said earlier Zille and her MECs had not apologised to the refugees for the pain they had suffered.

"Provincial government... is concerned only for some miraculous reintegration in order to avoid further embarrassment," it said in a statement.

Neither Max, who had "kept busy addressing numerous media outlets", nor Zille had visited the site, it claimed.

The foreigners, mostly Zimbabweans, evacuated shacks in De Doorns today following confrontations with local residents, who claimed they were robbing them of jobs on farms.

Most of them have since been given emergency shelter in marquees on a local sportsfield.

Passop said it was "alarmed and insulted" by reported comments by De Doorns mayor Charles Ntsomi that authorities were "considering" reintegrating the refugees into the community as soon as possible.

"No community forcefully displaced can possibly reintegrate successfully in such a short time without a proper process for healing, counselling, and negotiations," Passop said.

It also said the Freedom Front Plus's (FFPlus) "xenophobic statements" on the issue were an attempt to gain political mileage.

FFPlus home affairs spokesman Corné Mulder said in a statement on Wednesday the xenophobia was "due to the government's actions" and poor border control.

A trade union for women on farms, Sikhula Sonke, said in a statement today that it "strongly condemns" the situation in De Doorns.

It felt the local farm workers' frustration was aimed at the wrong people.

"Government's failure to alleviate poverty, regulate labour brokers, protect the agriculture economy... are some of the main reasons for the situation in De Doorns," the union said.

Source : http://www.timeslive.co.za/news/article201538.ece

Nov 17th - South Africa Is Divided on Gesture by Educator

BLOEMFONTEIN, South Africa — For a speech about reconciliation it could hardly have been more divisive. Jonathan D. Jansen, the new head of the University of the Free State, spoke of the “place of infamy” just 100 yards behind him, the residence hall where four white students last year made a racist video that incited outrage across the country.

Those students had been expelled, but now the new rector announced that they were welcome to return, pardoned of any further campus discipline. The young men may have been racially troubled, he explained, but the bigger problem lay with the university, which itself was racist.

Moses Masitha, the student body president, was seated just a few feet away as Mr. Jansen, mellifluous as he is provocative, delivered his 4,100-word inaugural address. “It was a good speech until he said he was going to drop the charges and then my head just sank,” he said. “You knew there was going to be a backlash. I wondered, ‘Has he spoken to anyone about this?’ ”

The video, meant to protest the idea of racial integration in student housing, showed a young man apparently urinating into a bowl of stew. The food was then served to five black house cleaners — known in the dorms as “squeezas” — as they guilelessly cooperated in a mock initiation.

Once transferred to a computer, the video made the digital leap from an inside joke in a single dormitory to an international scandal on the World Wide Web. Fifteen years after apartheid, South Africa was left to ponder not only the ghosts of its racist past but also the demons of its racist present.

And now Mr. Jansen, the first black man to lead the 27,000-student, 105-year-old university, was inviting back the culpable whites without even demanding an apology.

“Those boys treated us like we were no more than toilets and now we are being treated that way again by Jonathan Jansen,” one of the workers, Rebecca Adams, complained.

Another of the humiliated workers, Mittah Ntlatseng, said: “These boys have to be trained that we are human beings just like them. Here I am, taking pills for blood pressure and stress. Does Jansen care about that?”

Mr. Jansen’s Oct. 16 “gesture of racial reconciliation,” which included a promise of reparations for the workers, was in most ways largely symbolic.

Two of the four students had graduated before the video went viral. The two others were unlikely to return, Mr. Jansen said in an interview. Criminal prosecution of the four is continuing.

But his gesture — the audacity of his forgiveness — dominated South Africa’s headlines for weeks, firing a controversy that continues to emit heat.

Mr. Jansen most certainly has his champions. He was already a highly regarded educator, a Fulbright scholar with a Ph.D. from Stanford. Now he is also praised for his courage.

Archbishop Desmond Tutu, a winner of the Nobel Peace Prize, called him a “great man” whose inauguration speech displayed the bold and merciful spirit of Jesus. “Forgiveness is not for sissies,” the archbishop said.

But many others considered Mr. Jansen’s action to be insensitive and arrogant. Who was he to pardon those who had blackened the eye of the nation?

Themba Maseko, the chief government spokesman, said that the welfare of the perpetrators had been given preference over that of the victims. Students, primarily blacks, marched on the campus’s main building and demanded the rector’s resignation. Thabo Meeko, the local chairman of the governing party’s youth league, said Mr. Jansen should be shot and killed like a criminal.

These past few weeks, the rector has agreed to hold talks with anyone who wants to discuss his decision, “to try to find consensus on a way forward.” He looks for ways to further explain his thinking.

Mr. Jansen arrived on campus in July. While delightfully picturesque, the university, located in this city in the nation’s central farm belt, is regrettably segregated, Mr. Jansen said in an interview. Courses are taught in two languages. Whites gravitate to classes in Afrikaans, the mother tongue of the descendants of Dutch settlers. Blacks, by and large, attend classes conducted in English.

“I asked to see the choir, and they came to me with two choir directors, the black conductor doing black music and the white conductor doing European music,” Mr. Jansen said. “I go to the senate, which is the academic body of the university, and it’s all white except for two or three guys from Ghana or someplace. And I looked at this and said, ‘Oh my God, no wonder we have this problem.’ We were sitting on a time bomb.”

Mr. Jansen, 53, speaks in a theatrical style, bringing to mind in both charisma and bulk the actor James Earl Jones.

His latest book, “Knowledge in the Blood,” explores the inherited beliefs of the nation’s white students. Many grew up in an Afrikaner culture that is frequently out of step with post-apartheid South Africa, he writes. These young people are often desperate to preserve their culture and language. Churches and schools are considered last bastions of a way of life.

Speaking of his initial days on campus, Mr. Jansen tells the story of white students who asked if they could say a blessing for him. “So off I go” to their church, he said, “and I see a bunch of black kids with Bibles going in the other direction. I jumped out of my car and said, ‘Excuse me, where are you going?’ ” The blacks were going to their own church.

“So the whole setup — spiritually, socially, culturally, academically — has been to be separate, and no one has done anything about it,” he said.

In this, the campus here is hardly alone. Last year’s scandal provoked a government inquiry into racism on university campuses. It concluded that the problem was pervasive: more needed to be done to challenge misconceptions and prejudices, especially among young Afrikaners.

At the University of the Free State, the previous rector had tried a gradual approach to integrating the residences. For the most part, black students had been willing to live in predominantly white dorms but the same was not true the other way around. White students moved off campus instead.

In his speech, Mr. Jansen announced that he would be more insistent. A new school year begins in January, and the residences are to be integrated on a 50-50 basis for all incoming freshmen, he said. Part of a university education will be whites and blacks learning how to live together.

To accomplish that, the culture of the residences must change, he added. The “mindless rituals” of the Afrikaner students will be forbidden: the hazing and the enforced deference, with younger housemates made to refer to older ones as “uncle.”

Whites are generally fearful of what is to come. “Why are we being made to give up our traditions?” asked Christiaan Steenkamp, a white student living in an overwhelmingly white residence hall. “It’s not races that are clashing; it’s cultures. We should be allowed to keep our culture.”

He thought hard to find an example. “Blacks are louder than whites,” he said. “That’s not race. It’s culture. It’s the way they are. Why can’t Jansen recognize that and quit treating us like we’re a bunch of racists?”

Source : http://www.nytimes.com/2009/11/18/world/africa/18safrica.html?_r=2

Nov 15th - Radical shift in HIV-AIDS thinking

Geoffrey York

Johannesburg From Monday's Globe and Mail

In a sharp break from the days when South Africa's government was suggesting garlic and beet root as AIDS remedies, President Jacob Zuma is planning to be tested in public for HIV next month.

The test will be part of a dramatic expansion of HIV testing in South Africa, including tests for all of Mr. Zuma's cabinet ministers and a national campaign to encourage tests for citizens across the entire country, according to a South African newspaper report.

South Africa has more AIDS deaths than any other country in the world, but until recently it was notorious for the ignorance and denials of its top politicians.

Former president Thabo Mbeki, who was ousted in a power struggle last year, became infamous for questioning the value of AIDS drugs and suggesting that the disease might not be caused by the HIV virus.

The Mbeki government's hostility to standard AIDS treatment led to 365,000 premature deaths in South Africa from 2000 to 2005 alone, Harvard University researchers estimated in a recent study.

Mr. Mbeki had always refused to take an HIV test, dismissing it as a “publicity stunt,” despite evidence that testing could help prevent thousands of deaths.

His health minister, Manto Tshabalala-Msimang, proposed that AIDS could be treated with traditional African remedies such as garlic, lemon juice and beet root. Even as thousands of South Africans were dying without access to AIDS drugs, the minister was complaining that anti-retroviral drugs were “toxic.”

Mr. Zuma himself had displayed his own ignorance on AIDS issues during his trial on rape charges in 2006 when he testified that he had taken a shower after sex with an HIV-positive woman to protect himself from the virus.

But now the government is making a radical shift on the issue. In a series of speeches in the past three weeks, Mr. Zuma and his new health minister have called for an urgent battle against AIDS and HIV. They have warned that a rapidly escalating death rate from AIDS is decimating the country, killing especially those below the age of 50.

“Wherever you go across the country, you hear people lament the frequency with which they have to bury family members and friends,” Mr. Zuma said. “At this rate, there is a real danger that the number of deaths will soon overtake the number of births.”

The government has made it clear that it is determined to reverse the ignorance of the past, which one official called “the lost years.”

In a presentation on the latest AIDS numbers last week, Health Minister Aaron Motsoaledi put the blame squarely on the government of the past 10 years. “Our attitude toward HIV/AIDS put us where we are,” he told reporters. “In the past, we were not really fighting HIV/AIDS, we were fighting against each other.”

Mr. Zuma's public HIV test, and the ambitious new campaign for widespread testing, is expected to be announced on Dec. 1, World AIDS Day. Under the plan, doctors and nurses would routinely offer HIV tests to all of their patients, and celebrities would urge everyone to be tested. The tests would be voluntary, but the new availability of tests would produce a dramatic rise in the number of people tested across the country.

It would be a “massive mobilization campaign,” Mr. Zuma said in his speech. “All South Africans need to know their HIV status, and be informed of the treatment options available to them.”

Of the estimated 5.3 million South Africans who are infected with HIV, only a minority know their status.

Last year, according to a government research council, only a quarter of South Africans had taken an HIV test within the previous 12 months.

A leading activist group, Treatment Action Campaign, said the speech by Mr. Zuma was one of the most important in the history of AIDS in the country. “With this speech, state-supported AIDS denialism has been banished,” the group said.

Mr. Zuma has pledged to cut the rate of new HIV infections by half and provide anti-retroviral drugs to 80 per cent of those who need them by 2011.

Source : http://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/world/south-africa-radically-shifts-aids-thinking/article1364340/

Nov 13th - South Africa’s ANC Seeks to Mend Ties With Labor Union Allies

By Mike Cohen

Nov. 13 (Bloomberg) -- South Africa’s ruling party said it will seek to mend relations with its labor union allies, which have been strained by differences over economic policy and the role of a new planning commission headed by former finance minister Trevor Manuel.

The African National Congress has ruled South Africa in alliance with the Congress of South African Trade Unions and the South African Communist Party since all-race elections in 1994. The unions helped orchestrate a change in the ANC’s leadership in December 2007 that culminated in Jacob Zuma being appointed the country’s president in May this year, and since then have been pushing for a greater say over policy.

Their key demands include a review of the inflation- targeting policy and for the government to scrap proposals to give Manuel the power to co-ordinate the work of other ministries, changes the ANC has rejected. The allies will seek to reach common ground at a three-day summit that gets under way near Johannesburg today.

“It is the responsibility of the ANC as the leader of the alliance to ensure that the alliance remains united,” the party said in an e-mail. “Equally, it is also the responsibility of the leaders of the other alliance components to keep the ANC strong.”

Manuel served as finance minister for 13 years, overseeing South Africa’s longest period of economic growth on record. Cosatu and the communist party accused him and Thabo Mbeki, who was ousted as president in September last year, of unilaterally deciding to sell state assets, reign in government spending and slash import tariffs.

Zuma has sought to deflect similar criticism, appointing Ebrahim Patel, the former head of the country’s largest clothing union, as his economic development minister, and communist party head Blade Nzimande as higher education minister.

To contact the reporter on this story: Mike Cohen in Cape Town at mcohen21@bloomberg.net

Last Updated: November 13, 2009 06:16 EST

Source : http://www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=20601116&sid=arCEAwcO_4yE#

Nov 13th - South Africa's abandoned babies

AFP Video

More babies are being abandoned in Johannesburg by their mothers than ever before. Now a charity in the city is running a unique hole-in-the-wall scheme, where new mothers can leave their child to be looked after - rather than simply leaving it in a rubbish bin.

Video Here

Source : http://www.theglobeandmail.com/video/south-africas-abandoned-babies/article1362117/?view=picks

Nov 12th - Is Africa selling out its farmers?

Barry Malone and Ed Cropley

Bako, Ehiopia/Johannesburg Reuters

For centuries, farmers like Berhanu Gudina have eked out a living in Ethiopia's central lowlands, tending tiny plots of maize, wheat or barley amid the vastness of the lush green plains.

Now, they find themselves working cheek by jowl with high-tech commercial farms stretching over thousands of hectares tilled by state-of-the-art tractors – and owned and operated by foreigners.

With memories of Ethiopia's devastating 1984 famine still fresh in the minds of its leaders, the government has been enticing well-heeled foreigners to invest in the nation's underperforming agriculture sector. It is part of an economic development push they say will help the Horn of Africa nation ensure it has enough food for its 80 million people.

Many small Ethopian farmers do not share their leaders' enthusiasm for the policy, eyeing the outsiders with a suspicion that has crept across Africa as millions of hectares have been placed, with varying degrees of transparency, in foreign hands.

Reuters

Razack Munboadan (L), senior manager with Karuturi, an Indian company with four commercial farms in Ethiopia, talks to his workers at Karuturi's farm in Bako, central Ethiopia.

“Now we see Indians coming, Chinese coming. Before, we were just Ethiopian,” 54-year-old Mr. Gudina said in Bako, a small farming town 280 km west of Addis Ababa. “What do they want here? The same as the British in Kenya? To steal everything? Our government is selling our country to the Asians so they can make money for themselves.”

Xenophobia aside, a number of organizations – including the foundation started by Microsoft billionaire Bill Gates – argue that Africa should support its own farmers.

“Instead of African countries giving away their best lands, they should invest in their own farmers,” said Akin Adesina, vice-president of the Nairobi-based Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa (AGRA). “What's needed is a small-holder, farmer-based revolution. African land should not be up for garage sale.”

Both sides of the debate agree on this much: a stark reality – underlined by last year's food price crisis – looms large over Ethiopia and beyond. The world is in danger of running out of food.

By 2050, when its population is likely to be more than nine billion, up from six billion now, the world's food production needs to increase by 70 per cent, according to the United Nations Food and Agriculture Organization.

In Africa, which for a variety of reasons was bypassed by the Green Revolution that transformed India and China in the 1960s and 1970s, the numbers are even more bleak. The continent's population is set to double from 1 billion now.

In all, the FAO says, feeding those extra mouths is going to take $83 billion in investment every year for the next four decades, increasing both the amount of cultivated land and how much it produces. The estimated investment for Africa alone is $11 billion a year.

REUTERS

A Sudanese farmer prepares his land for irrigation on the banks of the river Nile in Khartoum.

For deeply impoverished Ethiopia, sub-Saharan Africa's second-most populous nation after Nigeria, even a fraction of those sums is unthinkable.

Yet with 111 million hectares – nearly twice the area of Texas – within its borders, the answer, in the government's eyes, is simple: Lease ‘spare' land to wealthy outsiders to get them to grow the food. One unfortunate consequence of that thinking is Gudina and his little plot of maize are painted as part of the problem, rather than a potential solution.

“The small-scale farmers are not producing the quality they should, because they don't have the technology,” said Esayas Kebede, head of the Agricultural Investment Agency, a body founded only in February but already talking about offering foreign farmers 3 million hectares in the next two years.

“There are 12 million households in Ethiopia. We can't afford to give new technology to all of them,” he said, sitting in an office adorned with maps showing possible sites for commercial farms.

Indian agro-conglomerate Karuturi Global, whose involvement in Ethiopia so far has been exporting cut-flowers to Europe, has taken the hint, branching out into food production with a sprawling maize farm in Bako. Unlike with similar land deals elsewhere in Africa, the company insists crops will be exported only after demand is met in Ethiopia – where 6.2 million people are said to be in need of emergency food aid because of poor seasonal rains.

“Our main aim is to feed the Ethiopian people,” Karuturi's Ethiopia general manager, Hanumatha Rao, told Reuters, sitting under an awning at the Bako farm as hundreds of labourers harvested maize in the fields stretching up nearby hillsides. “Whatever we produce will go to the stomachs of the Ethiopian people before it goes to the international market.”

While many governments have been busy courting foreigners, in most cases from Asia or the Middle East, to increase Africa's food output, small farmers like Mr. Gudina are not totally without friends.

An initiative backed by the Melinda and Bill Gates and Rockefeller foundations is aiming to kick-start an African Green Revolution, carefully avoiding the pitfalls that had engulfed previous such attempts.

In particular, Africa boasts a dazzling array of soil types, climates and crops that have defied the one-size-fits-all solution of better seed, fertilizer and irrigation that worked in Asia half a century ago.

Its perennial tendency to corruption and official incompetence has also played its part in keeping average grain yields on the continent at just 1.2 tonnes per hectare, compared with 3.5 tonnes in Europe and 5.5 tonnes in the United States.

AGRA's Adesina says sub-Saharan governments are slowly realizing the importance of small farmers, who account for 70 per cent of the region's population and 60 per cent of its agricultural output. But he urges governments to make good on a pledge six years ago to raise farm spending to 10 per cent of their national budgets.

Reuters

Razack Munboadan (C), senior manager with Karuturi, an Indian company with four commercial farms in Ethiopia, supervises workers at Karuturi's farm in Bako.

For its part, AGRA is pouring money into research institutes from Burkina Faso in the west to Tanzania in the east to breed higher yielding and more drought- and pest-resistant strains of everything from maize and cassava to sorghum and sweet potato.

“We've been studying African agriculture for several decades and the message we keep getting back from farmers is: 'It's the seeds, stupid,'” said Joseph DeVries, director of AGRA's seed improvement division. “What you're planting is what you're harvesting.”

As yet, the work – carefully packaged as “Africans working for an African solution” – involves only conventional breeding techniques, such as cross-pollination and hybridization, as genetically modified seeds remain prohibitively expensive for farmers subsisting on one or two dollars a day.

However, AGRA does not rule out a future role for GM food crops, a stance that has stoked fears it will inadvertently pave the way for U.S. seed companies into the continent beyond South Africa, the only country that allows widespread commercial use. It also accepts a need for chemical soil additives – a source of concern to environmentalists – although it stresses the importance of “judicious and efficient use of fertilizer and more intensive use of organic matter.”

After 10 years of research, Mr. DeVries said, AGRA has developed, among other things, a cassava variety with double its previous yield and a hybrid sorghum strain that is producing 3 to 3.5 tonnes per hectare, compared with 1 tonne before. It is also giving grants to rural shop-keepers to try to create seed distribution networks in countries that remain too small or inaccessible to attract interest from established commercial suppliers.

“There's huge demand for these new varieties, but there's just not nearly enough investment. It's logistics, and it's also capital,” Mr. DeVries said.

As ever in Africa, money – or, rather, a lack of it – is a major problem. According to AGRA's Adesina, only 1 per cent of private capital on the continent is made available to farming, due to banks' concerns about loan collateral and a reluctance to deal with farmers who in many cases are barely literate.

However, the Green Revolution push has begun to attract some serious financial players.

With AGRA providing $10-million in loan guarantees, South Africa's Standard Bank, the continent's biggest bank, has earmarked $100-million over three years for small farmers in Ghana, Mozambique, Tanzania and Uganda. The pilot scheme suggests the bank is buying an argument slowly gaining traction: That Africa, a continent more renowned for war, famine and disasters, could and should evolve into the breadbasket of the world.

Do we need more of this? For sure. $100-million is really a drop in the ocean when you look at the funding needs. But we'd like to think this is a step in the right direction.

With less than 25 per cent of Africa's potential arable land under cultivation, according to many estimates, and its current levels of yield at rock-bottom, it is a compelling, if distant, vision.

“The first step is improving the efficiency of small farmers in Africa,” said Jacques Taylor, head of Standard Bank's agricultural banking arm in Johannesburg, seat of the gold on which most of South Africa's wealth has so far been based. “Can we get them to increase their yields from just over 1 tonne to 3 tonnes to 5 tonnes? That's possible. It's not a dream. It's a reality.”

Even though Standard Bank says it is keen to expand the funding, if all goes well, there is a very long way to go before such financing makes a dent in the $11-billion the FAO says has to be invested in Africa each year.

“Do we need more of this? For sure. $100-million is really a drop in the ocean when you look at the funding needs,” Mr. Taylor said. “But we'd like to think this is a step in the right direction.”

As such, it seems inevitable Africa will have to adopt a dual-track approach to its looming food crisis – rolling out the red carpet for more Karuturis, but also making life easier for Berhanu Gudina and his colleagues in central Ethiopia.

While it is hard to fault the thinking behind either strategy, critics of both abound.

Across the continent, foreign deals have been condemned as “land-grabs” negotiated between barely accountable administrations and outside companies or governments who care little about poverty or development.

In one notable case, in Madagascar, a little-reported million-hectare deal with South Korean conglomerate Daewoo contributed heavily to a successful popular uprising in March against President Marc Ravalomanana.

Elsewhere, from Sudan and its numerous Gulf farmer-investors, to Republic of Congo and a group of white South African commercial farmers, to Ethiopia and its Indians, land has become a hot political potato.

The prevailing view outside governments is that the little guys are being forced to make way for the mega-deal.

“It cannot just descend on them from the sky. It has to be done in consultation with the people who occupy the land,” Ethiopian opposition leader Bulcha Demeksa told Reuters. “But the government is not doing that. It is just going ahead and signing agreement after agreement with the foreigners.”

Similarly, AGRA's detractors look to unintended consequences of India's Green Revolution – particularly the environmental damage caused by widespread fertiliser use and drying up of water tables – to argue Africa should look before it leaps.

Furthermore, says Mariam Myatt of the Johannesburg-based African Centre for Biosafety, if India's experience is anything to go by, a Green Revolution would leave Africa's farmers as dependent on banks and seed and fertilizer companies as they are now on seasonal rains.

“The Green Revolution, under the guise of solving hunger in Africa, is nothing more than a push for a parasitic corporate-controlled chemical system of agriculture,” she said.

With Bill Gates also pumping funding into biotech research at bodies such as the African Agriculture Technology Foundation, Myatt said, AGRA might end up as the unwitting Trojan horse that eases GM crops – and Western corporate interests – into Africa.

“It will go a long way towards laying the groundwork for the entry of private fertilizer and agrochemical companies and seed companies and, more particularly, GM seed companies.”

Source : http://www.theglobeandmail.com/report-on-business/is-africa-selling-out-its-farmers/article1360822/

Nov 12th - Racism Claims Impede $64 Billion S. Africa Investment

By Antony Sguazzin and Mike Cohen

Nov. 12 (Bloomberg) -- Political interference and claims of racism at South Africa’s biggest state-owned companies have left them leaderless, threatening to delay $64 billion in investment and slow the economy’s recovery from recession.

State power utility Eskom Holdings Ltd. has lost its chairman and ports and rail company Transnet Ltd. has no permanent chief executive officer amid disputes fueled by allegations of racism.

Eskom plans to spend 385 billion rand ($52 billion) over the next five years to avert a recurrence of power shortages that idled the country’s mines for five days last year. Transnet is spending 81 billion rand. Together the plans form the bulk of a government program to pull the economy out of its first recession in 17 years.

“If Eskom doesn’t sort out their problems, the market will punish them by charging them more on their debt,” said Malcolm Charles, a portfolio manager at Investec Asset Management in Cape Town. “They are running out of lives.”

Bobby Godsell, the 57-year-old white chairman of Eskom, which has 71.5 billion rand of outstanding debt, according to Bloomberg data, resigned after he tried to enforce a verbal offer by the black Chief Executive Officer, Jacob Maroga, 49, to step down. The youth league of the African National Congress and the Black Management Forum, which represents black executives, said he was a racist.

‘Baas-Boy’

Godsell had a “baas-boy mentality” toward Maroga, the forum said on Nov. 6, using the Afrikaans term for master. The treatment of Maroga showed “the covert anti-transformation and racist agenda inherent” in a country that ended apartheid only 14 years ago.

The search for a new chairman and CEO may take six months, acting Chairman Mpho Makwana said at a press conference today.

The disputes at the state enterprises highlight a battle between groups that united to back Jacob Zuma for leadership of the ANC and are now fighting for positions and influence over the country’s new president. While labor unions are targeting jobs growth and service delivery, groups like the Black Management Forum say their main objective is to transform the economy through the promotion of black executives.

“Powerful individuals are playing politics with the senior positions,” said Nic Borain, a Cape Town-based political analyst whose clients include HSBC Plc. “The tension between running an effective state and running a mad feeding frenzy for an aspirant class of people is becoming untenable for the ANC.”

Backing

Labor unions and the ANC’s Secretary-General, Gwede Mantashe, have defended Godsell. Minister of Public Enterprises Barbara Hogan told lawmakers in Cape Town today that Godsell has “integrity and the best interests of the country at heart,” adding that she couldn’t legally interfere and didn’t want to inflame tensions by commenting.

There is a group within the ANC and its allies that is “increasingly revealing themselves to be less concerned about the performance of the parastatals and more concerned about making a fast buck,” Borain said. Others “are deeply worried about the situation” and have argued for the companies to concentrate on efficiency and stop the infighting.

At Transnet Sipho Maseko, a BP Plc executive earmarked to replace Maria Ramos as CEO, said he no longer wanted the post after a public spat about the position broke out.

His decision came after a rival for the post, Siyabonga Gama, was suspended from his position as head of the rail division of Transnet and said he was the victim of racism. Justice Minister Jeff Radebe and Communications Minister Siphiwe Nyanda objected to the suspension, while the ANC Youth League and the Black Management Forum backed his claims of discrimination.

Leaderless

South African Airways, the state-carrier, and the South African Broadcasting Corp., which runs government television and radio stations, are also without leaders. SAA CEO Khaya Ngqula left in March after a labor union demanded an investigation of procurement procedures, while ANC officials and the opposition have been fighting about the composition of the SABC’s board.

The meddling and infighting is undermining management. Eskom’s five-year expenditure program could escalate to more than 500 billion rand, said Marc Goldstein, an energy analyst at Frost & Sullivan in Cape Town. The government has said it will guarantee up to 175.9 billion rand of Eskom’s debt and agreed to lend it a further 60 billion rand.

Eskom sold 500 million rand of bonds due in 2018 yesterday at a yield of 9.52 percent, a spread of 67 basis points to government notes of a similar maturity.

“Investors are going to say: Listen here, we want a bigger spread,” said Deon Van Zyl, head of fixed interest at Metropolitan Asset Managers in Cape Town said.

Speedy Resolution

Investment by state-owned companies will represent 5.3 percent of gross domestic product in the fiscal year through March 2010, according to the Treasury’s figures. That makes them pivotal to the recovery in an economy the government expects to shrink 1.9 percent this year.

“At a time of a significant investment and debt issuance program, the government needs a speedy resolution” to the infighting at the companies, said Peter Attard Montalto, an economist at Nomura International Plc in London.

To contact the reporters on this story: Antony Sguazzin in Johannesburg at asguazzin@bloomberg.net To contact the reporter on this story: Mike Cohen in Cape Town at mcohen21@bloomberg.net

Last Updated: November 12, 2009 09:35 EST

Source : http://www.bloomberg.com/apps/news?pid=20601109&sid=aAaPlGQ53fyc&pos=15#

Nov 11th - ANC, partners to hold meeting

Johannesburg - The ANC and its alliance partners will hold a summit at the weekend, the alliance said on Wednesday.

The summit, to be attended by the ANC, Congress of SA Trade Unions (Cosatu), SA Communist Party (SACP) and SA National Civic Association (Sanco), would discuss amongst other issues, the National Planning Commission and the country's response to the global economic crisis.

In a joint statement, the alliance partners said comprehensive rural development, education, health, energy and the fight against crime and corruption would also take centre stage.

Led by President Jacob Zuma, SACP general-secretary Blade Nzimande, Cosatu's Zwelinzima Vavi and Sanco's president Ruth Bengu, the summit will start on Friday and end on Sunday at Ekurhuleni's Esselen Park.

Local govt on discussion list

"The summit will deal with the challenges confronting local government and discuss practical means to strengthen this sphere of government.

"Furthermore, it will review work that has been done by the various components of the alliance in implementing its programme of action since the elections of 2009, particularly the five priority areas that are at the epicentre of the alliance programme of action," it said.

The historic and strategic nature of the existence of the alliance and how current conditions further demanded strength and unity of the alliance partnership would also be deliberated on.

"All alliance partners view the unity of the alliance to be paramount and sacrosanct.

"It is the responsibility of the ANC as the leader of the alliance to ensure that it remains united, but equally, it is also the responsibility of the leaders of the other alliance components to keep the ANC strong to positively contribute to a better country," the alliance said.


- SAPA

Source : http://www.news24.com/Content/SouthAfrica/Politics/1057/48676a80e9724824ab7aa687295f1c46/11-11-2009-07-03/ANC,_partners_to_hold_meeting#

Nov 10th - A South African dream, deferred

Tuesday, November 10, 2009 7:35 PM

Geoffrey York

A year ago, I was at the formative meeting of a nascent political party that seemed to be triggering an earthquake in South African politics. The mood at the convention in suburban Johannesburg was boisterous, joyful, almost ecstatic. The delegates of the new party were dancing in the aisles and singing the songs of liberation as they listened to the speeches.

The party became known as COPE (the Congress of the People). Created by dissidents from the ruling African National Congress, it seemed to offer the first real chance of robust democratic competition in South Africa since the collapse of apartheid in 1994.

The ANC was adored as the party of Nelson Mandela, the party that liberated South Africa from white minority rule. But after 14 years in power it was accused of arrogance and corruption. With the creation of the new breakaway party, the long monopoly of the ANC was finally facing a real challenge.

As the new party marks its first anniversary, however, its political dream is rapidly fading, destroyed by disorganization and bitter infighting among its egotistical leaders. For those who hoped to see the ANC forced to compete for votes, COPE's decline is a depressing reminder that Africa's ruling parties can be extremely difficult to dislodge.

The decline began in early 2009 with squabbles between the party's two main founders, former ANC provincial premier Mbhazima Shilowa and former ANC cabinet minister Mosiuoa Lekota. Unable to agree on a presidential candidate for the national election in April, the party ended up choosing a compromise figure, a little-known Methodist priest, as its candidate for president.

The party was aiming for at least 15 to 20 per cent of the vote in the national election – enough to establish a strong base for future growth. Instead it wound up with 7 per cent, finishing third in the election, instead of the assumed second.

Since then, the feuding and squabbling has grown disastrously worse. Many of its top leaders have quit the party. One of its most famous members, the anti-apartheid activist Allan Boesak, resigned from COPE this month. He complained of “disarray” in the party, and accused the party of suppressing any critical voices. Another senior COPE leader, Lynda Odendaal, had quit the party earlier, complaining of internal power struggles. Several other top officials have also resigned.

A year ago, political analyst Aubrey Matshiqi told me that the new party could seriously weaken the ANC if it could capture 15 to 20 per cent of the vote. Now he is asking what went wrong. “COPE looks more like the Titanic – with an iceberg waiting ahead – than a credible alternative to the ANC,” he wrote in a recent column.

Certainly COPE seems mortally wounded. But it would be wrong to dismiss its formation as a meaningless event. Despite gaining only 7 per cent of the vote, it played a key role in preventing the ANC from retaining the two-thirds majority that it had previously enjoyed – an important victory for the opposition, since a two-thirds margin would allow the ANC to change the constitution unilaterally.

Just as important, COPE has shown that an opposition party can gain votes from blacks across the country. Until this year, South Africa's opposition parties were largely based on ethnic strongholds , whites or mixed-race voters. The rise of COPE has shown that many middle-class blacks across the country are growing discontented with the ruling party.

While it might ultimately be destroyed by its internal feuds, COPE has paved the way for future challenges to the ANC, keeping democracy alive in Africa's richest country.

Source : http://www.theglobeandmail.com/blogs/africa-chronicle/a-south-african-dream-deferred/article1358581/

Nov 9th - ANC played race card to defend Maroga: Zille

Nov 9, 2009 8:38 PM| By

The ANC played the race card to defend Eskom chief executive Jacob Maroga, says Democratic Alliance leader Helen Zille.


WEstern Cape Premier Helen Zille
Photograph by:

"Bobby Godsell was given a mandate to turn Eskom around. When he tried to address one of the biggest stumbling blocks to delivery - poor management of the utility - the ANC played the race card to defend their cadre," she said in a statement reacting to the resignation of Godsell, the Eskom board chairman.

"Not once did the government consider the facts, weigh the evidence, or judge on the merits of the case," she said.

Zille said the power parastatal was failing to deliver on its mandate, subjecting citizens to large power price increases as a result of this failure.

This required the government to act decisively, but "instead it chose to fuel a tirade of racial rhetoric which resulted in the resignation of Bobby Godsell".

"... This had nothing to do with the ANC at all. It should have been a decision of Eskom's board. The fact that politicians overrode the board shows that the ANC is totally ignoring the boundaries between party and state," Zille said.

The "real story" behind Godsell's resignation would reveal "the full extent of the ANC's abuse of power", she said.

The Freedom Front Plus said Godsell's departure would cost South Africa dearly.

The party said the former Anglo American boss had the skills to turn around Eskom, whereas Maroga's "hopeless management" had cost the country R50 billion because he failed to heed warnings about the coal crisis.

"The resignation of Mr Bobby Godsell... is a wrong decision which is to the detriment of Eskom and the South African electricity consumers," the party said.

Godsell's decision to step down would hurt investor confidence and lead to job losses, the party said.

Source : http://www.timeslive.co.za/news/local/article186916.ece

Nov 1st - Global Insight: Zuma’s pragmatic start

By Richard Lapper 1 November 2009
FTCOM
English
Copyright 2009 The Financial Times Ltd. All rights reserved.

The world may be becoming less anxious about South Africa's president Jacob Zuma and the prospect of a lurch to the left in Africa's biggest economy. But as the new president moves to accommodate the groups that backed his election campaign, the spectre of a communist advance still haunts many South Africans.

The resignation from government two weeks ago of Joel Netshitenzhe, a widely respected policy guru who had been close to former president Thabo Mbeki, sparked talk of "political shockwaves".

So did adecision by Mr Zuma to exclude Trevor Manuel - the former finance, and current planning, minister - from a new ministerial body designed to improve co-ordination of policies.

By contrast, Ebrahim Patel, a favourite of Mr Zuma's trade union and Communist party allies who runs a new economic development ministry, is characterised as the rising star of the government's economic team.

At first glance, last week's budget policy statement - the first indication of Mr Zuma's fiscal plans since his election in April - seemed to suggest the leftwing advance was gathering momentum. Pravin Gordhan, who took over from Mr Manuel in May, signalled a change in approach, telling MPs the new government would "not hesitate to do things differently".

The size of the government's planned fiscal deficit is up to 7.6 per cent of gross domestic product, compared with an anticipated 3.8 per cent when Mr Manuel announced his last budget in February.South Africa's fiscal response to the crisis was said Mr Gordhan "one of the largest [in the world]".

It might be, however, that Mr Gordhan, a former tax administrator, has been just about as cautious as his predecessor. Most of the new deficit financing planned was mainly because South Africa faces a fall in tax revenue as a result of the recession. Compared with February, spending is to rise only R14bn ($1.8bn, €1.2bn, £1.1bn), less than 1 cent of GDP.

Expensive election commitments that frightened the private sector, such as a planned national health insurance scheme, are on the back burner.

"We are a lot less panicked," said an analyst at one of the country's successful private health insurers. "We are pretty comfortable with their plans."

For all the talk of dangerous levels of indebtedness, South Africa's liabilities as a percentage of output are expected to rise from 23 per cent in March this year to 41 per cent of GDP by 2013, modest compared to the kind of expansion under way in some other parts of the world. Moreover, as Mr Gordhan pointed out, because South Africa's banking system remained so relatively solid throughout last year's credit crunch, the government is not faced with a big bail-out bill. Much of its spending - on World Cup-linked road and rail infrastructure and new energy plants, for example - will enhance the country's capacity to grow.

What is more, Mr Gordhan's concessions to the left were matched by a decision to ease exchange controls. South Africa, like other emerging markets with heavy reliance on raw material exports, has seen its currency appreciate this year as a result of rising demand from China and high minerals prices.

But at a time when countries such as Brazil are slapping on new taxes to deter short-term capital inflows, Mr Gordhan took a more liberal tack, opting to make it easier for foreign companies and individual investors to move money in and out of the country, and therefore reducing the distortions that many reckon have aggravated the extent of rand appreciation.

That does not mean the political battles between the ANC's pragmatic core and its Communist party and trade union allies will end soon. But it underlines the need to put those clashes into context.

Twenty years after the Berlin Wall fell, political debate remains heavily ideological. Many on the left still blame colonialism for the country's ills, while some business people fret about the influence of trade unionists and Marxist ideologues.

Maybe it is a result of the decades of isolation, but in South Africa the day of reckoning always seems to be around the corner. While many questions remain unanswered, if the first six months of Mr Zuma's presidency are any guide then the country looks set to continue on a more pragmatic course.

Source :

http://www.ft.com/cms/s/0/8911ceb4-c70d-11de-bb6f-00144feab49a.html?catid=21&SID=google

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Oct 30th - McMandela? Protecting the Brand of a Legend

By Alex Perry / Cape Town Friday, Oct. 30, 2009